The Atlantic (Opinion)
By Sally Kohn
July 7, 2015
How do you prevent crimes committed by undocumented immigrants?
Parodoxically,
America doesn’t need even more intensified efforts to aggressively hunt
down unlawful immigrants and deport them. What it needs is a path to
citizenship.
This
past weekend, an undocumented immigrant who had reportedly been
deported on five previous occasions shot and killed a woman in a busy
part of San Francisco. Republican
presidential candidate Donald Trump, who had previously made waves for
suggesting that most Mexican immigrants were drug dealers and rapists,
doubled down in the wake of the San Francisco homicide. Trump argued the
shooting provided “yet another example of
why we must secure our border.”
And
while some in the GOP field took exception to Trump’s remarks, Senator
Ted Cruz supported Trump’s conclusion. “I salute Donald Trump for
focusing on the need to address
illegal immigration,” said Cruz before attacking the idea of
immigration reform.
But what if immigration reform is actually the solution?
The
current system has left many Latinos—immigrant and native born
alike—alienated from law enforcement. In a 2013 study conducted by Lake
Research Partners, as well as
scholars from PolicyLink and the University of Illinois at Chicago, 45
percent of Latinos reported that fear of police investigating either
their own immigration status or the status of people they know makes
them less likely to voluntarily offer information
about crimes. Even 28 percent of U.S.-born Latinos said that they are
less likely to contact police officers even if they’ve been the victims
of a crime because they fear police will look into the immigration
status of people they know. Among undocumented
immigrants, fully 70 percent report they are less likely to contact
police.
Without
the active cooperation of communities themselves, police find crimes
hard to solve and even harder to prevent within those communities. But
where communities are
partners in rooting out criminality, the results can be dramatic. The
Muslim Public Affairs Council found between September 11, 2001 and June
2012, two out of every five al-Qaeda plots threatening the United States
had been foiled or prevented with the help
of Muslim communities. Since the December 2009 “underwear bomber” plot,
Muslim communities had helped law enforcement prevent half of all
al-Qaeda-related terror plots. This makes perfect sense. Those in a
given community are in the best position to observe
threats from within the community and bring those threats to the
attention of law enforcement. If, that is, they feel safe to do so.
Trump’s
rant reflects the perverse opposition to comprehensive immigration
reform, which mistakes bellicosity for effectiveness. When he announced
his campaign, Trump
argued that Mexican immigrants bring problems to the United States.
“They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists,” he
said. “And some, I assume, are good people.” If that were accurate, then
building a bigger, badder fence might be a rational
response.
Former
Texas Governor Rick Perry distanced himself from Trump’s comments. But
by traveling the Mexican border with Sean Hannity on a boat mounted with
machine guns, he
endorsed that same Manichean logic. Thousands of children were then
arriving at the border fleeing violence in Honduras and El Salvador.
Children. But even then, many on the right felt threatened, and endorsed
greater force and more security as the sole solution.
Today
under President Obama the border fence is longer and border patrol
agents more numerous than ever before. Obama has also deported more
undocumented immigrants than
any of his predecessors, of either party. Yet there will always be
hardened, determined, criminals who slip through the system. The killer
in San Francisco is clearly one such example; deported over and over
again during the very years in which border security
was repeatedly tightened, he kept finding a way back.
Meanwhile,
San Francisco, a “sanctuary city” that tries to protect undocumented
immigrants from deportation, may have declined to turn this particular
man over to federal
immigration authorities, and action that would have prevented his
crime. That sort of obstruction would be less likely to happen if the
vast majority of immigrants no longer had to worry about deportation.
And those immigrants would go from becoming victims
of the criminal justice system to its allies, reporting and preventing
crimes rather than just cowering in the shadows.
Perhaps
the irony in all of this is that if Donald Trump were right, policing
and immigration reform would be easy. We’d just round up all the
immigrants, ship them away,
and crime would disappear. But most immigrants, like most native-born
Americans, are simply hardworking people trying to feed their families
and help their kids succeed. Targeting them won’t end crime, but it will
increase their alienation, making effective
crime prevention and policing more difficult. If we could finally pass
bipartisan immigration reform including a path to citizenship, then
immigrant communities could be part of the solution—helping to build
America and keep it safe.
For more information, go to: www.beverlyhillsimmigrationlaw.com
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